Heโs long been seen as out-of-touch. His partyโs poll numbers have been miserable for at least two and a half years. His own backbenchers think him aloof at best; at worst they downright hate him and are prepared to vote against his leadership.
Yet David Cameronโs problems seemed to pale this week in comparison to Ed Milibandโs, who suffered that very Westminsterish problem of a supposed coup instigated and supported by โanonymous sourcesโ. Nobody ever actually popped up to say that there should be a leadership election but various Shadow Cabinet members were nevertheless wheeled out, their words minutely examined by overexcited political journalists for any hint of disloyalty.
If youโre a Labour supporter, however, thereโs still no point in pretending that everythingโs alright. Itโs clearly not: poll rating are not even reaching the underwhelming task of getting to 35% that Labour set for itself. Thereโs no point blaming this on the media, as some seem to be doing, continuing an obsession with Murdoch, the Mail and supposed BBC bias that is in danger of matching, for misdirected passion and sheer irrelevancy to most voters, the Tories continual focus on the EU. The Twitter campaign โwebackEdโ โ I refuse to add the hashtag โ was simply cringeworthy.
Yet here we are, a week away from the Rochester by-election that the Conservatives will get thumped at โ a by-election they promised to win. Tory backbenchers are eternally restless and frustrate their leaderโs efforts to drag their party to the centre (where the votes are) at virtually every opportunity. No doubt theyโll harp on some more about the EU in the coming weeks as those seats they should be holding or winning, and have to win to get a majority, in places like Watford, Milton Keynes and the Northern cities slip away.
My colleague Ben is right to some degree when he notes that Labour canโt โpersuade Britain that it can do a better job than the Conservatives in tackling the Governmentโs deficitโ and improving peopleโs lives โ but people donโt much think the Conservatives will do anything about the latter either.
Most people did not view the increase in public spending as a mistake (otherwise they would not have voted Labour Governments with comfortable majorities in 2001 and 2005), nor do many hanker, despite what Tory backbenchers in the comfortable shires will say, for Major Government era levels of public spending and associated 18-month hospital waiting lists. The Tories keep pushing the Red Ed tag but, actually, Milibandโs more interventionist policies, such as the energy prize freeze, are wildly popular.
Essentially, if Labour are publically having a bad time of it, then so, just a bit less publically, are the Conservatives. Both parties are prone to in-fighting but at least Labour have some fresh ideas to go with it. Despite this, in just over six months then one of these underwhelming men will be Prime Minister. What a thought.